退役少將斯威尼1995年於美國國會發表對於原爆的證詞原文及翻譯

事先聲明，我非原翻譯者。原作者為ptt上的qlz網友。

原文取自PTT的Warfare看板「#1DO_E49T」、「#1DP29d47」及「#1DPCnRrL」文章
翻譯修改部份參考同看板中「#1DO_zMKq」、「#1DPBDUEF」及「#1DR5gnel」文章
我自行追加了一些註解與修正翻譯。

感謝各位網友的協助與努力。

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【背景】

1995年5月11日，美國投放原子彈50週年。對於日本政府的抗議，美國政府邀請參加兩次原爆的飛行員，退役少將
Charles W. Sweeney，於美國國會發表證詞。

Sweeney本人已經於2004年過世，享年85歲。

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

I am Maj. Gen. Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, Retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the right wing of General Paul Tibbets on the Hiroshima mission and 3 days later, on August 9, 1945, commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.

我是美國退役空軍少將查爾斯．W．斯溫尼。我是唯一一位參加兩次對日本原子彈轟炸的飛行員。在1945年8月6日廣島的轟炸中駕駛提貝茨將軍的右翼僚機；3天後，即1945年8月9日，指揮對長崎的第二次核轟炸任務。轟炸長崎6天後，日軍投降，第二次世界大戰結束。

The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country.

一個民族的靈魂，也是它的本質，就是它的歷史。它是每一世代對本身及其國家的認知與信仰之共同記憶。

In a free society, such as ours, there is always an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for. This open debate is in fact essential to our freedom. But to have such a debate we as a society must have the courage to consider all of the facts available to us. We must have the courage to stand up and demand that before any conclusions are reached, those facts which are beyond question are accepted as part of the debate.

在一個如同我們這樣的自由社會，總會有一個持續爭論我們是誰以及我們所支持事物的立場。這次要公開辯論的，是至關重要的自由。但在這樣的辯論中，我們必須有勇氣考慮所有事實提供給作為一個社會的我們。在達到任何結論之前，我們必須有勇氣站起來接納部分隱藏在事實背後的辯論。

As the 50th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki missions approaches, now is an appropriate time to consider the reasons for Harry Truman's order that these missions be flown. We may disagree on the conclusion, but let us at least be honest enough to agree on basic facts of the time, the facts that President Truman had to consider in making a difficult and momentous decision.

接近紀念廣島和長崎任務50週年，現在是一個合適的時間來考慮哈利．杜魯門要求執行轟炸任務的理由。我們可能不同意這樣的結論，但至少我們應該誠實同意面對非常基本的事實：杜魯門總統不得不考慮作出一項艱巨而重大的決定。

As the only pilot to have flown both missions, and having commanded the Nagasaki mission, I bring to this debate my own eyewitness account of the times. I underscore what I believe are irrefutable facts, with full knowledge that some opinion makers may cavalierly dismiss them because they are so obvious - because they interfere with their preconceived version of the truth, and the meaning which they strive to impose on the missions.

作為唯一執行過兩次飛行任務，並且擔任指揮長崎轟炸任務使命的飛行員，我將陳述本人現場目擊的往事。我相信我所強調的，都是無可辯駁的事實——其中，包含某些輿論製造者可能明顯無視的部份——因為這些事實與他們先入為主的觀點有衝突。

This evening, I want to offer my thoughts, observations, and conclusions as someone who lived this history, and who believes that President Truman's decision was not only justified by the circumstances of his time, but was a moral imperative that precluded any other option.

今晚，作為經歷那段歷史的證人，我想提出我的看法、意見和結論——我相信杜魯門總統的決定不僅在當時是合理的，而且在道義上也更為優先。

Like the overwhelming majority of my generation the last thing I wanted was a war. We as a nation are not warriors. We are not hell-bent on glory. There is no warrior class - no Samurai - no master race.
This is true today, and it was true 50 years ago.

像絕大多數我這個世代的人一樣，我最不期望發生的事情，就是戰爭。我們不是武士民族。我們不會強烈渴望那樣的榮耀。我們沒有武士階級、沒有武士、沒有主宰種族——現在是事實；五十年前也是事實。

While our country was struggling through the great depression, the Japanese were embarking on the conquest of its neighbors - the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It seems fascism always seeks some innocuous slogan to cover the most hideous plans.

當我國正在與經濟大蕭條掙扎時，日本則是著手從事對鄰國的征服——大東亞共榮圈。看來，法西斯主義總是可以找到一些無害口號來掩蔽那些駭人聽聞的計畫。

This Co-Prosperity was achieved by waging total and merciless war against China and Manchuria. The Japanese, as a nation, saw itself as destined to rule Asia and thereby possess its natural resources and open lands. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation, the Japanese Army slaughtered innocent men, women and children. In the infamous Rape of Nanking up to 300,000 unarmed civilians were butchered. These were criminal acts.

要達成這個計畫，必須發動無情的侵華戰爭。日本作為一個國家，認為自己註定會統治亞洲，從而擁有其自然資源和土地。日軍屠殺無辜的男人、婦女和兒童，沒有絲毫悔意或猶豫。在臭名昭著的南京大屠殺裡，多達300,000名手無寸鐵的平民被屠殺。這些都是犯罪行為。

THESE ARE FACTS.

這些都是事實。

In order to fulfill its divine destiny in Asia, Japan determined that the only real impediment to this goal was the United States. It launched a carefully conceived sneak attack on our Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. Timed for a Sunday morning it was intended to deal a death blow to the fleet by inflicting the maximum loss of ships and human life.

為了完成他們在亞洲的神聖命運，日本認為，阻礙他們的真正對象是美國。日本偷襲我們駐紮在珍珠港的太平洋艦隊。偷襲時間訂於星期日上午，因為這樣可以造成偷襲艦隊時，船隻和人員生命的最大損失。

1,700 sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many if not all, died without ever knowing why. Thus was the war thrust upon us.

1700名船員仍然陳屍於坐底在珍珠港的亞利桑那號戰艦上。即使不是全部，他們其中大部份的人從來不知道為何而死。因此，戰爭就這樣強加於我們頭上。

The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumanness of the Japanese Army, even in the context of war. The Bataan Death March was horror in its fullest dimension. The Japanese considered surrender to be dishonorable to oneself, one's family, one's country and one's god. They showed no mercy. Seven thousand American and Filipino POW's were beaten, shot, bayoneted or left to die of disease or exhaustion.

科雷希多陷落，以及對盟軍戰俘的待遇，驅散所有對日軍是否野蠻的質疑，即使是在戰時。巴丹死亡行軍**從各種觀點看來都相當駭人。日本人認為投降是對自己、家庭、國家和天皇的侮辱。他們從不手軟。7000名美國和菲律賓戰俘遭到毆打、槍殺、被刺刀殺害，或者死於疾病或疲憊。
**「巴丹死亡行軍」是二次世界大戰的慘案。開戰初期，菲律賓的盟軍投降後，超過75,000名戰俘被押往戰俘營。路途上日軍大量虐待並濫殺戰俘、不給予充分的糧食、飲水和適當的醫療；最後只有約54000人到達戰俘營。from Wiki

THESE ARE FACTS.

這些都是事實。

As the United States made its slow, arduous, and costly march across the vast expanse of the Pacific, the Japanese proved to be ruthless and intractable killing machine. No matter how futile, no matter how hopeless the odds, no matter how certain the outcome, the Japanese fought to the death. And to achieve a greater glory, the strove to kill as many Americans as possible.

當美軍緩慢、艱巨、耗資巨大橫跨浩瀚太平洋的時候，日本人證明他們是殘暴和頑固的殺人機器。無論多麼徒勞、絕望，機會如此渺茫，即使結果早已經確定，日本人依然堅持戰到最後。為爭取更大光榮，他們儘可能多殺一個美國人。

The closer the United States came to the Japanese mainland, the more fanatical their actions became.

越遠離美國、越接近日本本土，他們的行為就越狂熱。

Saipan - 3,100 Americans killed, 1,500 in the first few hours of the invasion
Iwa Jima - 6,700 Americans killed, 25,000 wounded
Okinawa - 12,500 Americans killed, total casualties, 35,000
These are facts reported by simple white grave markets.

在塞班島，3,100名美國人喪生，其中1,500名死於攻擊的最初數小時。
在硫黃島，6,700名美國人喪生，25,000人受傷。
在沖繩，12,500名美國人死亡，傷亡總計35,000人。
這些是簡單而沉重的事實。

Kamikazes. The literal translation is DIVINE WIND. To willingly dive a plane loaded with bombs into an American ship was a glorious transformation to godliness - there was no higher honor on heaven or earth. The suicidal assaults of the Kamikazes took 5,000 American Navy men to their deaths.

神風特攻隊——直譯為「神之風」。駕駛帶著炸彈的飛機衝撞美國軍艦是光榮而神聖的——在地球上或者天堂，都沒有更高的榮譽可以相比。神風特攻隊的自殺攻擊造成5,000位美國海軍官兵的死亡。

The Japanese vowed that, with the first American to step foot on the mainland, they would execute every Allied prisoner. In preparation they forced the POW's to dig their own graves in the event of mass executions.
Even after their surrender, they executed some American POW's.

日本人宣誓，只要有任何一個美國人登上他們的土地，他們將處死所有盟軍戰俘。為了準備籌備大規模處決，他們強迫戰俘挖自己的墳墓。
即使在投降之後，他們仍然處決一些美國戰俘。

THESE ARE FACTS.

這些都是事實。

The Potsdam Declaration had called for unconditional surrender of the Japanese Armed Forces. The Japanese termed it ridiculous and not worthy of consideration. We know from our intercepts of their coded messages, that they wanted to stall for time to force a negotiated surrender on terms acceptable to them.

波茨坦宣言呼籲日本軍隊無條件投降。日本人認為這是荒謬而不值得去考慮的。從我們截取的密碼得知，他們想拖延時間，迫使增加他們能夠接受的投降條件後再談判。

For months prior to August 6, American aircraft began dropping fire bombs upon the Japanese mainland. The wind created by the firestorm from the bombs incinerated whole cities. Hundreds of thousands of Japanese died. Still the Japanese military vowed never to surrender. They were prepared to sacrifice their own people to achieve their visions of glory and honor - no matter how many more people died.

在8月6日之前的幾個月，美國飛機開始對日本本土投下燃燒彈。風勢造成炸彈火焰蔓延，燒掉一座座城市。成千上萬的日本人死亡。即使如此，日軍依然發誓絕不投降。他們準備犧牲自己的人民實現其夢想的輝煌和榮譽——不論多少人會因此喪生。

They refused to evacuate civilians ever though our pilots dropped leaflets warning of the possible bombings. In one 3-day period, 34 square miles of Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe and Osaka were reduced to rubble.

即使我們的飛行員投下傳單，警告可能會空襲，他們仍拒絕撤離平民。在一次為期3天的轟炸中，34平方英里的東京、名古屋、神戶和大阪市變成廢墟。

THESE ARE FACTS.

這些都是事實。

And even after the bombing of Hiroshima, Tojo, his successor Suzuki, and the military clique in control believed the United States had but one bomb, and that Japan could go on. They had 3 days to surrender after August 6, but they did not surrender. The debate in their cabinet at times became violent.

即使在廣島遭到轟炸之後，東條英機和他的繼任者鈴木貫太郎，以及控制局勢的日本軍部仍然認為美國只有一枚原子彈，日本可以繼續抵抗下去。8月6日之後，他們有三天的時間可以投降，但他們仍然沒有投降。一次次內閣辯論越來越暴力。

Only after the Nagasaki drop did the Emperor finally demand surrender. And even then, the military argued they could and should fight on. A group of Army officers staged a coup and tried to seize and destroy the Emperor's recorded message to his people announcing the surrender.

直到長崎也遭受攻擊，天皇最後才決定投降。即使如此，軍方依然聲稱他們能夠而且應該作戰。一批軍官發動政變，企圖沒收和銷毀天皇向人民宣佈投降的錄音。

THESE ARE FACTS.

這些都是事實。

These facts help illuminate the nature of the enemy we faced. They help put into context the process by which Truman considered the options available to him. And they help to add meaning to why the missions were necessary.

這些事實幫助我們瞭解敵人的本質、幫助我們瞭解杜魯門總統做決定時的處境。此外，他們幫助我們理解為何使用原子彈是必要的。

President Truman understood these facts as did every service man and woman. Casualties were not some abstraction, but a sobering reality.

像每一位服役的男女性軍人一樣，杜魯門總統知道這些事實。傷亡人數不再只是一些抽象的數字，而是一個嚴肅的現實。

Did the atomic missions end the war? Yes...they...did.
Were they necessary? Well that's where the rub comes.

投擲原子彈是否結束戰爭？是的。
它們是必要手段嗎？爭議在此。

With the fog of 50 years drifting over the memory of our country, to some, the Japanese are now the victims. America was the insatiable, vindictive aggressor seeking revenge and conquest. Our use of these weapons was the unjustified and immoral starting point for the nuclear age with all of its horrors. Of course, to support such distortion, one must conveniently ignore the real facts of fabricate new realities to fit the theories. It is no less egregious than those who today deny the Holocaust occurred.

50年的時間讓記憶變得模糊。對我國某些人來說，日本現在是受害者。美國是貪得無饜的、報復心重的侵略征服者。我們對核武器的使用，是不公正和不道德的恐怖核子時代起點。當然，為了支持這種歪曲，他們必須忽略真正的事實來編造新現實以符合理論。其中最嚴重的，莫過於否認大屠殺發生。

How could this have happened?

這種事怎麼會發生呢？

The answer may lie in examining some recent events.

答案可能在於最近研究的一些事件。

The current debate about why President Truman ordered these missions, in some cases, has devolved to a numbers game. The Smithsonian in its proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay revealed the creeping revisionism which seems the rage in certain historical circles.

這次對為什麼杜魯門總統下令使用原子彈的爭論；在某些情況下，已經變成一個數字遊戲。
史密斯學會預備提供的「艾諾拉．蓋伊」**展覽，展現了在部份歷史圈子裡興起的歷史修正主義。
**Enola Gay是投擲「小男孩」原子彈到廣島的 B-29 轟炸機。

That exhibit wanted to memorialize the fiction that the Japanese were the victims - we the evil aggressor. Imagine taking your children and grandchildren to this exhibit.
What message would they have left with?
What truth would they retain?
What would they think their country stood for?

這項展覽意圖造就一個謊言——日本是受害者，我們是邪惡的侵略者。試著想像如果你的孩子和孫看到這個展覽，他們會留下什麼印象？他們會相信何謂真相？他們會認為自己的國家象徵什麼？

And all of this would have occurred in an American institution whose very name and charter are supposed to stand for the impartial preservation of significant American artifacts.

所有這一切，將發生在一個其名稱和機能理應站在公正維護美國重要文物立場的美國機構
。

By canceling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the Enola Gay, has truth won out?

如果取消預定展覽，只是單純展示「艾諾拉．蓋伊」號，可以述說真相嗎？

Maybe not.

也許不能。

In one nationally televised discussion, I heard a so-called prominent historian argue that the bombs were nor necessary. That President Truman was intent on intimidating the Russians. That the Japanese were ready to surrender.

在一次全國性的電視討論時，我聽到一個所謂的著名歷史學家認為，使用原子彈是沒有必要的。那是杜魯門總統意圖恐嚇俄羅斯人的作法，而日本已經準備投降。

The Japanese were ready to surrender? Based on what?
Some point to statements by General Eisenhower years after the war that Japan was about to fall. Well, based on that same outlook Eisenhower seriously underestimated Germany's will to fight on and concluded in December, 1944 that Germany no longer had the capability to wage offensive war.

日本準備投降？根據什麼？
有些人提出，艾森豪將軍曾經說過，日本已經準備投降。然而，基於同樣判斷，艾森豪也曾經嚴重低估德國繼續戰鬥的意志，1944年12月就下結論說，德國已經沒有進行攻勢作戰的能力。

That was a tragic miscalculation. The result was the Battle of the Bulge, which resulted in tens of thousands of needless Allied casualties and potentially allowed Germany to prolong the war and force negotiations. Thus the assessment that Japan was vanquished may have the benefit of hindsight rather than foresight.

這是一個災難性的錯誤判斷。其結果是突出部戰役的激戰。這場戰爭造成數萬盟軍毫無必要的犧牲，並冒著允許德國拖延戰爭和有條件投降的風險。如此，預期日本將會投降，無疑是後見之明。

It is certainly fair to conclude that the Japanese could have been reasonably expected to be even more fanatical than the Germans base on the history of the war in the Pacific.

根據太平洋戰爭的情況來預期日本將是比德國更瘋狂的敵人；這應該是相當合理的。

And, finally, a present-day theory making the rounds espouses that even if an invasion had taken place, our casualties would not have been a million, as many believed, but realistically only 46,000 dead.
ONLY 46,000!

最後，有一種理論認為如果盟軍進攻日本本土，我們傷亡不會高達100萬，而是僅僅46,000條性命。
"只不過"46000條性命！

Can you imagine the callousness of this line of argument? ONLY 46,000- as if this were some insignificant number of American lives.
Perhaps these so-called historians want to sell books. Perhaps they really believe it. Or perhaps it reflects some self-loathing occasioned by the fact that we won the war. Whatever the reason, the argument is flawed. It dissects and recalculates events ideologically, grasping at selective straws.
Let me admit right here, today, that I don't know how many more Americans would have died in an invasion - AND NEITHER DOES ANYONE ELSE!

你可以想像這種論點何其冷酷？！僅僅四萬六千條生命－－－－好像這個數字對美國人來說微不足道一樣。
也許那些所謂的「歷史學家」只想賣書。或許他們真的這麼認為。或者，這反映某些觀點：因為我們贏得戰爭，所以感到心虛。不論原因為何，這種論點是有問題的。那是基於意識形態去切割問題，斷章取意。
讓我在此聲明，我不清楚將會有多少美國人在進攻日本時傷亡——也沒有任何人知道！

What I do know is that based on the Japanese conduct during the war, it is fair and reasonable to assume that an invasion of the mainland would have been a prolonged and bloody affair. Based on what we know - not what someone surmises - the Japanese were not about to unconditionally surrender.

根據日本戰時行為的判斷，我的確認為，一個公正合理假設是對日本本土進攻，將是漫長而代價高昂的。根據我們所知道的情況——而非根據某些人的假想——日本不打算無條件投降。

In taking Iwo Jima, a tiny 8 square mile lump of rock in the ocean, 6,700 marines died - total casualties over 30,000.

在硫黃島——一個僅僅8平方英里的太平洋島礁——戰役中，6700名海軍陸戰隊官兵陣亡，而傷亡總數超過30000人。

But even assuming that those who now KNOW our casualties would have been ONLY
46,000 I ask -
Which 46,000 were to die?
Whose father?
Whose brother?
Whose husband?
And, yes, I am focusing on American lives.

但對那些"知道"我們將"僅僅"損失46,000人的人，我要問：是哪46,000人？
誰的父親？誰的兄弟？誰的丈夫？
對！我強調的是，這些是我們的同胞。

The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not. Hundreds of thousands of American troops anxiously waited at staging areas in the Pacific dreading the coming invasion, their fate resting on what Japanese would do next. The Japanese could have ended it at any time. They chose to wait.

但是，日本的命運掌握造日本人手中，不是美國。數以萬計的美軍部隊焦急地在大洋中等待進攻——他們的命運，取決於日本下一步怎麼做。日本可以選擇在任何時刻結束。他們選擇等待。

And while the Japanese stalled, an average of 900 more Americans were killed or wounded each day the war continued.

在日本「拖延」的時候，隨著戰事的進行，美軍每天平均傷亡900多人。

I've heard another line of argument that we should have accepted a negotiated peace with the Japanese on terms they would have found acceptable. I have never heard anyone suggest that we should have negotiated a peace with Nazi Germany. Such an idea is so outrageous, that no rational human being would utter the words. To negotiate with such evil fascism was to allow it even in defeat a measure of legitimacy. This is not just some empty philosophical principal of the time - it was essential that these forces of evil be clearly and irrevocably defeated - their demise unequivocal. Their leadership had forfeited any expectation of diplomatic niceties. How it is, then, the history of the war in the Pacific can be so soon forgotten?

我曾經聽到另一種說法，說我們應該與日本談判，提出一個日本可以接受的有條件投降條件；而我從來沒聽任何人提出要與納粹德國談判投降。這是一個無恥的念頭，任何有理性的人都不會說出這樣的話。與這樣一個邪惡法西斯魔鬼談判，就是承認其合法性，即使事實上已經打敗它。這不是那個時代的空洞哲學原則，必須徹底、乾淨剷除法西斯的勢力，明確被消滅。法西斯領導者，已經喪失他們外交的信譽。為什麼，太平洋戰爭的歷史這麼容易就被遺忘呢？

The reason may lie in the advancing erosion of our history, of our collective memory.

原因可能在於，在我們的歷史、我們的集體記憶中進展的侵蝕。

Fifty years after their defeat, Japanese officials have the temerity to claim they were the victims. That Hiroshima and Nagasaki were the equivalent of the Holocaust.

在他們戰敗五十年後，日本官員魯莽地聲稱他們是受害者。廣島和長崎的轟炸分別相當於大屠殺。

And, believe it or not, there are actually some American academics who support this analogy, thus aiding and giving comfort to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history, and ours in the process. There is an entire generation of Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country's conduct during World War II.

不論你是否相信，的確有一些美國學者支持這個比喻，在這個過程中從而協助，因此給予慰問，由日本重寫自己和我們的歷史——已經嘗試50年。有整整一代日本人不知道她們國家在第二次世界大戰期間的所作所為。

This explains why they do not comprehend why they must apologize-
‧for the Korean comfort women.
‧for the Medical experimentation on POW's which match the horror of those
conducted by the Nazi's.
‧for the plane to use biological weapons against the United States by
infecting civilian populations on the West Coast.
‧for the methodical slaughter of civilians.
‧and for much more.

這解釋為何日本不懂為什麼他們必須道歉的原因——
為了韓國的慰安婦、
為了由納粹帶頭，對戰俘進行的恐怖醫學試驗、
為了計畫以飛機運載生化武器感染美國西海岸民眾、
為了有組織地屠殺平民，
以及更多更多。

In a perverse inversion, by forgetting our own history, we contribute to the Japanese amnesia, to the detriment of both our nations.
Unlike the Germans who acknowledged their guilt, the Japanese persist in the fiction that they did nothing wrong, that they were trapped by circumstances. This only forecloses any genuine prospect that the deep wounds suffered by both nations can be closed and healed. One can only forgive by remembering.
And to forget, is to risk repeating history.

在反向倒置，忘記自己的歷史中，我們貢獻給日本的失憶症，對雙方國家都是一種傷害。
不像德國人承認自己有罪，日本堅持「他們沒有錯」的謊言，它的行為是受當時困境的拖累。這種態度，粉碎任何真正彌合各國之間創傷的希望。人們只能藉由記憶而獲得原諒。
只要遺忘，歷史重演的風險就會存在。

The Japanese in a well orchestrated political and public relations campaign have now proposed that the use of the term "V-J Day" be replaced by the more benign "Victory in the Pacific Day". How convenient.

透過精心安排的政治和公共關係，日本建議將「對日勝利日」用更具良性的「太平洋勝利日」取代。真是方便啊。

This they claim will make the commemoration of the end of the war in the Pacific less "Japan specific".

他們宣稱，這個術語將會使太平洋戰爭的結束不會「特別與日本相關」。

An op-ed piece written by Dorothy Rabinowitz appearing in the April 5 Wall Street Journal accurately sums up this outrage:

一篇4月5日由 Dorothy Rabinowitz 所撰寫的華爾街日報報導，準確概括這樣的暴行——

The reason, it appears, is that some Japanese find the reference disturbing - and one can see why. The term, especially the "J" part, does serve to remind the world of the identity of the nation whose defeat millions celebrated in August 1945. In further deference to Japanese sensitivities, a U.S. official (who wisely chose to remain unidentified) also announced, with reference to the planned ceremonies, that "our whole effort in this thing is to commemorate an event, not celebrate a victory." ? Some might argue so what's in a word - Victory over Japan, Victory in the Pacific - Let's celebrate an event, not a victory.

原因是被一些日本人發現的話，會感到不安——人們都明白為什麼。這個詞，尤其是「J」的那一部分，會提醒在1945年8月，有數以百萬的人慶祝擊敗這個國家。為了尊重日本人的敏感性，某美國官員（很聰明地不願具名）也宣佈，在參考規劃儀式時，會聲稱「我們是為了紀念一個事件，而不是慶祝一場勝利。」也許有人會有疑問，這有什麼差別呢？戰勝日本，太平洋的勝利——讓我們慶祝一個事件，而不是一場勝利。

A say everything is in a word. Celebrate an EVENT!?

我要說，話語就是一切。慶祝一個"事件"！？

Kind of like celebrating the opening of a shopping mall rather than the end of a war that engulfed the entire Earth - which left countless millions dead and countless millions more physically or mentally wounded and countless more millions displaced.

聽起來就像慶祝一家購物中心開幕，而非結束一場席捲整個地球，造成無數的人死亡、無數身心受傷者和無數難民的戰爭。

This assault on the use of language is Orwellian and is the tool by which history and memory are blurred. Words can be just as destructive as any weapon.
Up is down.
Slavery is freedom.
Aggression is peace.

這種對語言的攻擊，就像歐威爾主義**一樣，是讓歷史和記憶模糊不清的工具。語言的破壞性，和任何武器沒有什麼不同——(如果)「上」是「下」，「奴役」是「自由」、「侵略」是「和平」……
**指現代保守政體藉宣傳、誤報、否認事實、操縱過去，來執行社會控制，包括冷處理、蒸發，公開紀錄和大多數人記憶中均被抹煞不存在。典故是來自於「1984」和「動物農莊」作者喬治．歐威爾，因為「1984」書中男主角從事竄改歷史的工作。

In some ways this assault on our language and history by the elimination of accurate and descriptive words is far more insidious than the actual aggression carried out by the Japanese 50 years ago. At least then the threat was clear, the enemy well defined.

由某些層面看來，這次消除我們語言和歷史的準確描述文字攻擊，比日本50年前實際進行的侵略更為陰險。至少，那時的威脅很清楚、敵人很明確。

Today the Japanese justify their conduct by artfully playing the race card. They were not engaged in a criminal enterprise of aggression. No, Japan was simply liberating the oppressed masses of Asia from WHITE Imperialism.

今日，日本狡詐打出種族牌，來為他們的行為辯解。他們沒有犯冒險侵略的罪。不，日本僅僅是將受壓迫的亞洲平民，從白人帝國主義手中解放出來。

Liberation!! Yes, they liberated over 20 million innocent Asians by killing them. I'm sure those 20 million, their families and the generations never to be, appreciate the noble effort of the Japanese.

解放！！是的，他們用殺害的方式，解放超過2,000萬無辜的亞洲人。我敢肯定，這2,000萬人，他們的家人和後代永遠不可能欣賞日本人這樣的高貴努力。

I am often asked was the bomb dropped for vengeance, as was suggested by one draft of the Smithsonian exhibit. That we sought to destroy an ancient and honorable culture.

我經常被問到，投下原子彈是否因為復仇，就像史密斯學會所展出的那樣。我們試圖摧毀一個古老而光榮的文化。

Here are some more inconvenient facts.

這有一些較難解釋的狀況。

One, on the original target list for the atomic missions Kyoto was included. Although this would have been a legitimate target, one that had not been bombed previously, Secretary of State Henry Stimson removed it from the list because it was the ancient capital of Japan and was also the religious center of Japanese culture.

首先，在原本的原子彈轟炸目標名單上，包括京都市。雖然它的確是一個正當的目標，而先前未遭到轟炸；美國國務卿亨利．史汀生將它從名單中移除。因為它也是日本的古都，同時也是日本文化的宗教中心。

Two, we were under strict orders during the war that under no circumstances were we to ever bomb the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, even though we could have easily leveled it and possibly killed the Emperor. So much for vengeance.

其次，我們收到嚴格命令，戰爭期間，不論在任何情況下，我們都不得轟炸東京的皇宮——雖然我們能輕鬆地把它夷為平地，也可能殺死天皇，如果我們要報復……

I often wonder if Japan would have been shown such restraint if they had the opportunity to bomb the White House. I think not.

我常常在想，如果日本人有機會轟炸白宮，他們是否會如此剋制。我認為不會。

At this point let me dispel one of many longstanding myths that our targets were intended to be civilian populations. Each target for the missions had significant military importance - Hiroshima was the headquarters for the southern command responsible for the defense of Honshu in the event of an invasion and it garrisoned seasoned troops who would mount the initial defense.

在這裡，請讓我澄清一個長久以來的誤解：我們以平民為目標。每個任務目標都有重大軍事重要性——廣島是南方司令部所在地，負責本州防衛；也有駐守負責第一線防禦的駐防部隊。

Nagasaki was an industrial center with the two large Mitsubishi armaments factories. In both Hiroshima and Nagasaki the Japanese had integrated these industries and troops right in the heart of each city.

長崎是工業中心，擁有兩座大型三菱軍工廠。在廣島和長崎，日本都將他們的工廠和軍隊配置在市中心。

As in any war our goal was, as it should be, to win. The stakes were too high to equivocate.

正如同任何戰爭一樣，我們的目標——當然是——贏。風險太高，所以不能優柔寡斷。

I am often asked if I ever think of the Japanese who died at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

我也常常被問到，我是否想過死在廣島和長崎的日本人。

I do not revel in the idea that so many on both sides died, not only at those two places but around the world in that horrible conflict. I take no pride or pleasure in the brutality of war whether suffered by my people or those of another nation. Every life is precious.

我沒有因此陶醉，因為雙方都死很多人。在這場可怕衝突中，不只在這兩個地方，還包含世界各地的死者。我不為戰爭的殘酷而驕傲或歡樂，不論遭受到的是我國人民，或是另一個民族。每一條生命都是寶貴的。

But it does seem to me such a question is more appropriately directed to the Japanese war lords who so willingly offered up their people to achieve their visions of greatness. They who started the war and then stubbornly refused to stop it must be called to account. Don't they have the ultimate responsibility for all the deaths of their countrymen?

但對我來說，這樣一個問題似乎比較適合去問日本軍閥——那些願意為達成他們遠大目標，而提供自己人民的人。他們發動戰爭，而頑固拒絕停止。難道他們不需要為死亡的國民負起最終責任嗎？

Perhaps if the Japanese came to grips with their past and their true part in the war they would hold those Japanese military leaders accountable. The Japanese people deserve an answer from those that brought such misery to the nations of the Far East and ultimately to their own people. Of course this can never happen of we collaborate with the Japanese in wiping away the truth. How can Japan ever reconcile with itself and the United States if they do not demand and accept the truth?

也許，如果日本人正視自己的過去，和自己在戰爭中真正的所作所為，他們會追究日本軍方領導人的責任。日本人民應該提供遠東人民一個答案，誰將痛苦帶給遠東各國，並且最終帶給自己的人民。當然，如果我們和日本一起抹殺真相，這是不可能發生的。如果他們不接受真相，日本要如何和自己及美國和解？

My crew and I flew these missions with the belief that they would bring the war to an end. There was no sense of joy. There was a sense of duty and commitment that we wanted to get back to our families and loved ones.

我的組員和我在執行這些任務時，相信這會帶來戰爭的終結。我們沒有喜悅感；有的只是責任感和決心，我們要回到我們的家庭和親人身邊。

Today millions of people in America and in southeast Asia are alive because the war ended when it did.

今天，數百萬在東南亞和美國的人們還活著，是因為那場戰爭於當時就結束。

I do not stand here celebrating the use of nuclear weapons. Quite the contrary, I hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown.

我不是在慶賀使用核武器。相反的，我希望我的任務是最後一次使用。

We as a nation can abhor the existence of nuclear weapons.

我們作為一個民族，可以厭惡核武器的存在。

I certainly do.

我是誠心誠意的。

But that does not then mean that, back in August of 1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy, President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.

但是，回推1945年8月；由於戰爭的後果和敵人的頑固，厭惡不代表杜魯門總統沒有義務，使用他有權使用的所有武器來結束這場戰爭。

I agreed with Harry Truman then, and I still do today.

我同意哈利．杜魯門總統的決定，不論是當時或現在。

Years after the war Truman was asked if he had any second thoughts. He said emphatically, "No." He then asked the questioner to remember the men who died at Pearl Harbor who did not have the benefit of second thoughts.

在戰爭結束多年後，杜魯門被問到，他是否有第二種選擇。他強調說，「沒有」。接著，他請這位發問者記得，那些死在珍珠港的人也不曾有過第二種選擇。

In war the stakes are high. As Robert E. Lee said, "it is good that war is so horrible, or we might grow to like it."

戰爭風險很高。就如同羅伯特．李將軍說過的，「戰爭如此殘酷是一件好事，否則我們可能會愛上它。」

I thank God that it was we who had this weapon and not the Japanese or the Germans. The science was there. Eventually someone would have developed this weapon. Science can never be denied. It finds a way to self-fulfillment.

我真心感謝上帝，是我們擁有這種的武器，而非日本或德國。科學是存在的。最後還是會有人發展出這種武器。科學不能被否定。它總會找到方法實現出來。

The question of whether it was wise to develop such a weapon would have eventually been overcome by the fact that it could be done. The Soviets would have certainly proceeded to develop their own bomb. Let us not forget that Joseph Stalin was no less evil than Tojo or his former ally Adolf Hitler. At last count, Stalin committed genocide on at least 20 million of his own citizens.

關於製造這種武器是否明智的問題，終究會因為它還是會被製造出來的事實而壓倒。蘇聯人就發展出自己的原子彈。我們不要忘記，約瑟夫．史達林不會比東條英機，或他的前盟友**亞道夫．希特勒善良到哪裡去。在最近的統計，史達林下令的種族屠殺中死了2000萬人。
**蘇、德在二戰開戰之前簽訂互不侵犯條約，共同瓜分波蘭。在波蘭淪陷後，德國和蘇聯佔領區內，都實施了有計劃的屠殺。

The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer the world.

由於德國和日本法西斯被擊敗，世界變得更好。

Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory. The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old.

因為我們在戰勝後的寬大姿態，日本和德國都變成更好的地方。日本和美國的青年得以免於不必要的殺戮，可以享受人生，擁有家庭，安享晚年。

As the father of ten children and the grandfather of 21, I can state that I am certainly grateful that the war ended when it did.

作為十名小孩的父親和二十一名小孩的祖父，我能說我很高興那場戰爭在當時就結束。

I do not speak for all veterans of that war. But I believe that my sense of pride in having served my country in that great conflict is shared by all veterans. This is why the truth about that war must be preserved. We veterans are not shrinking violets. Our sensibilities will not be shattered in intelligent and controversial debate. We can handle ourselves.

我的意見不代表所有參戰過的老兵。但我相信，我和所有的老兵共同分享為國家服務的榮耀。這就是為什麼戰爭真相必須保存。我們老兵不是懦夫。我們的情感不會被資訊和爭論所破壞。我們可以把持住自己。

But we will not, we cannot allow armchair second guessers to frame the debate by hiding facts from the American public and the world. I have great faith in the good sense and fairness of the American people to consider all of the facts and make an informed judgment about the war's end. This is an important debate. The soul of our nation, its essence, its history, is at stake.

但我們不會，也不能允許不切實際者，藉由對美國民眾和全世界隱藏事實來煽起辯論。我對理智和公正的美國人有信心，他們會考慮所有的事實，並對戰爭結束之事作出明智的判斷。這是一場重要的辯論。我們民族的靈魂、本質以及歷史，牽繫於此。

Maj Gen Charles W. Sweeney, USAF (Ret)
May 11,1995

美國退役空軍少將查爾斯．W．斯溫尼
1995年5月11日